✯✯✯ Theodore Roosevelt Republican Party Analysis

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Theodore Roosevelt Republican Party Analysis

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History and Principles of the Republican Party - Charles Kesler

We have a one-line artist. I think that probably George Bush has an advantage, in terms of the election. But I think Jesse Jackson has done himself very proud. I think Michael Dukakis has done a hell of a job. And George Bush has done a hell of a job. Compare that with the meandering, staccato bursts of today. From an interview with the Associated Press :. People want the border wall. Okay, the thing they want more than anything is the wall. My base, which is a big base; I think my base is 45 percent. The Democrats, they have a big advantage in the Electoral College. Big, big, big advantage … The Electoral College is very difficult for a Republican to win, and I will tell you, the people want to see it. They want to see the wall. The tax cut will be, the tax bill, prediction, will be far bigger than anyone imagines.

Expensing will be perhaps the greatest of all provisions. Where you can do something, you can buy something … Piece of equipment … You can do lots of different things, and you can write it off and expense it in one year. That will be one of the great stimuli in history. You watch. But, Michael, I know the details of taxes better than anybody. Better than the greatest CPA. I know the details of health care better than most, better than most. Millions of people. It could be as high as 50 percent of the people. His grammar worsened, and his sentences were more often incomplete. Indeed, the amendment laid out a process for transferring power to the vice president in the event that the president is unable to carry out the duties of the office because of illness.

But it generally assumed that the president would be willing to undergo diagnostic testing and be forthcoming about any limitations. This might not happen with a person who has come to be known for denying any hint of weakness or inability. Nor would it happen if a president had a psychiatric disorder that impaired judgment—especially if it was one defined by grandiosity, an obsession with status, and an intense aversion to being perceived as weak. Nor would it happen if the only person to examine the president was someone like Bornstein—whose sense of objective reality is one in which Trump is healthier than the year-old Theodore Roosevelt who took office after commanding a volunteer cavalry division called the Rough Riders, and who invited people to the White House for sparring sessions, and who, after his presidency, would sometimes spend months traversing the Brazilian wilderness.

At many companies, even where no missiles are involved, entry-level jobs require a physical exam. A president, it would follow, should be more rigorously cleared. More than two decades later, that has not happened. The real-world application of one of these systems is complicated by the fact that the frontal lobes also control things such as judgment, problem solving, and impulse control. These metrics, which fall under the purview of psychiatrists and clinical psychologists, can be dismissed as opinion. Some believe Trump should carry a label of narcissistic personality disorder, antisocial personality disorder, or both.

Many other mental-health professionals are insistent that Trump not be diagnosed from afar by anyone, ever—that the goal of mental-health care is to help people who are suffering themselves from disabling and debilitating illnesses. This is consistent with the long-standing, widely misunderstood rule in the profession that no one should ever be diagnosed outside the confines of a one-on-one patient-doctor relationship. The rule has protected psychiatrists both from lawsuits and from claims of subjectivity that threaten trust in the entire enterprise. A diagnosis such as narcissistic personality disorder is too easily played off as a value judgment by an administration that is pushing the narrative that scientists are enemies of the state.

Labeling is also counterproductive to the field in that it presents risks to all of the people who deal with the stigma of psychiatric diagnoses. Expertise is simply a guise to further a hidden political cause. That sort of breathless indictment—followed by a reversal and a condemnation of others for making the same statement—may not be rare among politicians, but it is a leap to assume that doctors and scientists would similarly lie and abandon their professional ethics out of allegiance to a political party.

When judgment is compromised with bias, it tends to be more subtle, often unconscious. The idea that the president should not be diagnosed from afar only underscores the point that the president needs to be evaluated up close. A presidential-fitness committee—of the sort that Carter and others propose, consisting of nonpartisan medical and psychological experts—could exist in a capacity similar to the Congressional Budget Office. Such a panel need not have the power to unseat a president, to undo a democratic election, no matter the severity of illness. Even if every member deemed a president so impaired as to be unfit to execute the duties of the office, the role of the committee would end with the issuing of that statement.

He believed the dominant issue before the federal government was its relationship with big business. He pressed for government regulation of corporations and an end to unfair pricing practices. He considered labor unions and farmers' cooperatives advantageous as a means of keeping the actions of big business in check. Roosevelt carried out 44 antitrust prosecutions, all the while assuring tense businessmen that he was only against enterprises which misused their size and economy of scale to discriminate against competitors and deceive consumers.

Other important issues for which he attempted to garner support included a graduated income tax and an inheritance tax; initiative, referendum and recall measures; direct primaries; and conservation. Having stated in that he would serve no more than two terms, Roosevelt endorsed Senator William Howard Taft as the Republican nominee in However, Taft proved more conservative than Roosevelt had anticipated, and eventually he regretted his endorsement. In Roosevelt's eyes, Taft had too frequently sided with the corporate giants and political bosses he had so relentlessly battled. Taft was also criticized by Senator La Follette who had vied with him for the Republican nomination in La Follette was arguably the most fervent reformer in the country with an impressive record of achievements in Wisconsin, among them pure food acts, child labor and compulsory education laws, and workmen's compensation insurance.

His own larger reform platform, which eventually would be called the "Wisconsin idea," included the dictum of direct election of U. As the highest profile Republican other than Theodore Roosevelt, La Follette believed himself to be the natural choice for the party's nomination in , and progressive Republicans supported him, including Roosevelt. In January at La Follette's home in Wisconsin, a de facto Republican nominating committee reorganized as the National Progressive Republican League outlined their new platform, which called for 1 the direct election of U.

If Roosevelt would not seek a third term, then La Follette was their obvious choice for leader. However, by late in that year, the members abandoned La Follette as their candidate when the immensely popular Roosevelt finally threw his hat back in the ring. The first two featured documents, both political cartoons, satirize Roosevelt's reversal of his anti-third term promise and his assumption of leadership of the Progressive Party. Both La Follette and Roosevelt lost the Republican nomination to the incumbent, Taft, who still controlled the national convention delegates. Roosevelt, however, had swept 9 of the 12 states with primaries, including Taft's home state of Ohio.

This primary battle is characterized in the third featured document, a political cartoon picturing Ohio as the "Mother of Presidents. The fourth featured document, another political cartoon, displays the three candidates shortly before election day in As opponents, Roosevelt and Wilson had almost as much in common as they did in conflict. They both rejected the Republican's platform of status quo and opposed radical groups such as Eugene Deb's Socialist Party of America.

They both ran on records of political and economic reform, and they both supported stronger democratization of the political process. Yet Wilson, a Democrat, remained concerned for states' rights, disagreeing with Roosevelt's mandate for federal control of industry. Rather, he advocated more precise business laws and prosecution for unfair business practices. He also called for a reduced tariff, something he associated with the protection of monopolies and special interests and the rising cost of living. Overall, Wilson was for limiting government power and was in stark opposition to such Roosevelt social welfare programs as workmen's compensation and the minimum wage.

The election of was the most memorable election of the Progressive Era and one of the most unique of the 20th century. With reform-minded candidates as the top contenders, it was only a matter of time before the varied goals of the groups within the Progressive Party, from labor issues to conservation measures, would be addressed through legislation. In fact, several important constitutional issues were near resolution during the campaign year.

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